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[Congressional Record: October 27, 2000 (Senate)]
[Page S11279-S11281]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]
[DOCID:cr27oc00-168]
THE COMMERCE-JUSTICE-STATE BILL
Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, earlier today I voted for the conference
report
[[Page S11280]]
on the Commerce-Justice-State bill, which was included with the D.C.
appropriations bill. Both those bills were in the same conference
report. I voted in favor of those measures. But the CJS measure was, in
actuality, a seriously flawed piece of legislation with a number of
problems attendant to it.
The first problem that I had with it was that it was a conference
report, and thus it was not subject to amendment. The underlying
appropriations bills went straight from the Senate Appropriations
Committee to the conference committee, totally bypassing the Senate
floor. The full Senate was afforded no opportunity to debate or amend
these two appropriations bills. These are not the first appropriations
bills to be herded through Congress in this fashion this year, but that
fact does not make the practice any less objectionable. It is a simple
case of cutting corners in the name of political expediency, a
practice in which the United States Senate should not engage.
Second, the Commerce, Justice, State bill includes a controversial
immigration rider, the Legal Immigration Family Equity Act, a scaled
down spinoff of the Latino and Immigrant Fairness Act. The Senate dealt
with this issue last month during consideration of the H-1B visa bill,
when it refused to consider the Latino and Immigrant Fairness Act. I
opposed suspending the rules to allow that measure to be offered as an
amendment to the H-1B visa bill because I believe that such legislation
sends the wrong message to those who might consider entering this
country illegally. I believed then, as I believe today, that granting
amnesty to aliens who are in this country illegally simply encourages
others to enter the country illegally.
Although the Legal Immigration Family Equity Act would grant amnesty
to a smaller group of illegal aliens, it creates the same problems as
the Latino and Immigrant Fairness Act by rewarding illegal aliens for
breaking U.S. law. It should make no difference whether we grant
amnesty to one million illegal aliens or only a handful of that number.
The principle is the same. Amnesty for illegal immigration sends the
wrong message, period. Worse, these bills are an affront to those
immigrants who have played by the rules, often waiting many years
before being allowed to settle here legally.
I am opposed to the sending of these mixed signals by Congress. It is
counterproductive for the United States to vigorously protect its long
and porous borders from illegal aliens--at great expense to the
taxpayers, I might add--while at the same time granting amnesty to
selected groups of those aliens who manage to cross the border
undetected or otherwise enter the country under false pretenses. The
Senate should not endorse an immigration policy that rewards aliens who
violate the law.
I realize that my views are at odds with a number of my colleagues,
and I respect their position. I respect their viewpoints, and I would
be very happy to debate the merits of new immigration legislation with
them at the proper time and on the proper vehicle. This was not the
proper time, and this conference report was not the proper vehicle.
Neither the Latino and Immigrant Fairness Act nor the Legal Immigration
Family Equity Act has been considered by the Senate Judiciary
Committee, which has jurisdiction over immigration issues. No hearings
have been held. No report has been issued by the Committee so that
other senators can better understand the implication of these bills. No
full scale debate has been aired.
The Commerce-Justice-State conference report could not be amended. It
was a take-it-or-leave-it-package. Controversial immigration
legislation that the Senate refused to consider once this year as an
amendment to an immigration bill should not be resurrected under any
guise as a legislative rider on an unamendable appropriations
conference report.
Finally, I am concerned with executive branch meddling on this
conference report. The President has said he will veto the conference
report because the immigration rider does not go far enough. He wants
the broader Latino and Immigrant Fairness legislation on this
appropriations bill. This is the same President who has been
complaining bitterly about legislative riders on other appropriations
bills. This is the same President who vetoed the Energy and Water
appropriations conference report because it contained an environmental
rider to which he objected. This is the same President who berated
Congress for including legislative riders along with supplemental
funding provisions attached to the Military Construction appropriations
bill. This is a President who has made it clear time and again that he
objects to legislative riders on appropriations bill, and yet he has
vowed to veto this conference report because the legislative rider it
contains does not go far enough to suit him.
Mr. President, the Senate has a responsibility to complete its work--
not avoid its work or compromise its work, but complete its work. This
conference report is an example of how not to complete the Senate's
business. The Commerce-Justice-State bill funds many vitally important
programs, and that is why I voted for it. It is a bill that can and
should stand on its own merits. It should not be hamstrung by
legislative riders or election year politics.
Mr. President, the problems that I have cited with this conference
report are not a reflection on the Senate Appropriations Committee.
Chairman Ted Stevens has done yeoman's work this year to shield the
appropriations process from both the Democratic and Republican
political agendas.
I can compliment equally all of the members of the Appropriations
Committee in this respect--the Republicans who chaired the
subcommittees and the Democrats who were the ranking members. They all
worked together, as they always do. There is no partisanship when it
comes to the Appropriations Committee. Republicans and Democrats work
together and politics is off the table. That was the case when I was
chairman of that committee, and that has been the case since when
former Senator Hatfield was chairman and now Senator Ted Stevens of
Alaska. Senator Stevens and I resisted mightily the sledgehammer
approach that was used to bring this and other appropriations
conference reports to the floor. Senator Gregg and Senator Hollings,
the chairman and ranking member of the Commerce-Justice-State
Subcommittee, labored diligently to complete work on their bill and
bring it to the floor under its own steam. No, the problem with this
conference report is not the fault of the Committee but is the result
of a breakdown in the legislative system that has seeped--seeped--
through the appropriations process this year. The appropriations bills
are the victims of this breakdown, not the cause of it.
It does not have to be this way, and it should not be this way. The
Senate is fully capable of doing its work in an orderly and disciplined
manner, capable of drafting, debating, and passing 13 individual
appropriations bills, and of completing a separate legislative agenda.
Sadly, that is not to be the case this year. Congress is limping
slowly toward a long overdue adjournment, leaving behind a trail of
unfinished business and the wreckage of the appropriations process. Mr.
President, I hope this sorry spectacle will never be repeated. I hope
that the clean slate of a new Congress will bring a fresh perspective
to next year's appropriations process. I hope and I pray that next year
will be different.
Mr. President, I thank the distinguished minority whip, Mr. Reid, for
his never-failing attendance to the business of the Senate.
The Bible says: ``Seest now a man diligent in his business? He will
stand before kings.'' Senator Reid is always diligent in his business.
I appreciate his arranging for me to have this time. He is thoroughly
dependable and always courteous and considerate to me and to all other
Senators. I commend him for it. The people of his State have every
right to be proud of him as their senior Senator. And we on our side of
the aisle have every right to be proud of him as the minority whip.
Mr. REID. If I could say to my friend, before he leaves the floor, I
just came from the studio where I did a little TV thing because we are
now not going to be able to be in Nevada next week. Senator Bryan and I
joined together to name a hospital for the most decorated soldier from
Nevada who served in
[[Page S11281]]
World War II, a man by the name of Jack Streeter, who is alive.
It is amazing, as I went through this American hero's record--seven
Silver Stars, two Bronze Stars, five Purple Hearts--now, I know that
the Senator from West Virginia, his medals have not been on the field
of battle in Germany like my friend Jack Streeter, but I was thinking,
as the Senator was talking to me--I am the minority whip. Of course,
this is one of the lesser positions the Senator from West Virginia has
held.
The Senator from West Virginia has been whip, majority leader,
minority leader more than once, and in addition to that, the honor that
most people would feel they had fulfilled their career with, of being
chairman of the Appropriations Committee.
So I say to my friend publicly, as I have said privately, what an
honor it is to be able to serve with one of the legends, in his own
time, of the Senate: Robert Byrd. There are not many Senators that you
think of as being so closely connected with the Senate as Robert Byrd.
We have the Calhouns and we have a few people whose names come to our
mind, but Robert Byrd is someone, when the history books are written,
will always be mentioned as one of the all-time leaders of the
congressional process. What a great honor it is to be able to serve
with the Senator from West Virginia.
Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, Mark Twain said he could live for 2 weeks on
a good compliment. The compliment that the distinguished Senator from
Nevada, Mr. Reid, has just paid me can help me to survive for quite a
long time. I shall not forget it. His words are a bit embellished, but
I am deeply appreciative of what he has said.
I appreciate it very much. I thank him again for his good work every
day on the floor of the Senate. Having been whip, I know when we have a
good one. And Senator Reid is here, looking after the Senate's
business, and always very attendant upon our every need. I am ready to
vote for him again any time. He does not have to look me up and find
out if I am still for him.
Mr. President, I thank the Senator.
Mr. REID. Just one last comment while we are throwing compliments
around this late Friday afternoon.
I can remember when I went and spoke to Senator Byrd, and he
indicated he would support me 2 years ago for this job. And I wrote him
a letter. I can very clearly remember writing it. It took a little time
in thinking of what I wanted to say. In that letter I said that as far
as I was concerned he was the Babe Ruth of the Senate. I don't know if
you remember that letter, but that is what I said.
Mr. BYRD. Yes, I remember that letter.
Mr. REID. With Babe Ruth, you always think of the best baseball
player. And when you think of Robert Byrd, you think of the best player
in the Senate. Thank you.
Mr. BYRD. Yes. I believe it was September, in 1927, when Babe Ruth
beat his own former record of 59 home runs. In 1927, he swatted 60 home
runs.
Mr. REID. Senator Byrd, I can remember, as if it were yesterday, you
asked me one weekend--
Mr. BYRD. I believe that was September 30, 1927. And I believe it was
on the 22nd of September 1927 that Jack Dempsey and Gene Tunney fought
a fight in which--we who lived in the coalfields hoped Jack Dempsey
would win back his title, but he did not win it back. That was the
occasion of the ``long count.''
It was in May of that year that Lindbergh flew across the ocean in
the Spirit of St. Louis. Sometimes he was 10 feet above the water;
sometimes he was 10,000 feet above the water. And his plane had a load,
which I remember, of about 500 pounds. He carried five sandwiches, and
ate one-half of a sandwich.
I remember reading in the New York Times about that historic flight.
He said he flew over, I believe, what was Newfoundland, at the great
speed of 100 miles per hour--at a great speed, 1927.
Mr. REID. Senator Byrd, I do not want to put you on the spot here,
but I can remember returning from one of my trips in Nevada, and we had
a conversation. You asked me what I had done, and I said, I hadn't read
a particular book in 25 years. And I picked up the book ``Robinson
Crusoe'' to read about Robinson Crusoe. You said to me: I know how long
he was on that island. I just read the book, and you told me. And I had
to go home and check to see if you were right, and you were right, to
the day.
Mr. BYRD. I believe that was 28 years, 2 months, and 19 days.
Mr. REID. Yes. I have not forgotten that.
Mr. BYRD. I believe that is right.
Mr. REID. I went home and checked, and I will do it again. I am
confident you are right.
Mr. BYRD. All right. I thank the Senator.
Mr. REID addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Nevada.
____________________
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