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[Congressional Record: September 25, 2000 (House)]
[Page H8022-H8029]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]
[DOCID:cr25se00-65]
SERBIA DEMOCRATIZATION ACT OF 2000
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the
bill (H.R. 1064) to authorize a coordinated program to promote the
development of democracy in Serbia and Montenegro, as amended.
The Clerk read as follows:
H.R. 1064
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
[[Page H8023]]
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE; TABLE OF CONTENTS.
(a) Short Title.--This Act may be cited as the ``Serbia
Democratization Act of 2000''.
(b) Table of Contents.--The table of contents for this Act
is as follows:
Sec. 1. Short title; table of contents.
Sec. 2. Definitions.
TITLE I--SUPPORT FOR THE DEMOCRATIC FORCES
Sec. 101. Findings and policy.
Sec. 102. Assistance to promote democracy and civil society in
Yugoslavia.
Sec. 103. Authority for radio and television broadcasting.
Sec. 104. Development of political contacts relating to the Republic of
Serbia and the Republic of Montenegro.
TITLE II--ASSISTANCE TO THE VICTIMS OF OPPRESSION
Sec. 201. Findings.
Sec. 202. Sense of Congress.
Sec. 203. Assistance.
TITLE III--``OUTER WALL'' SANCTIONS
Sec. 301. ``Outer Wall'' sanctions.
Sec. 302. International financial institutions not in compliance with
``Outer Wall'' sanctions.
TITLE IV--OTHER MEASURES AGAINST YUGOSLAVIA
Sec. 401. Blocking assets in the United States.
Sec. 402. Suspension of entry into the United States.
Sec. 403. Prohibition on strategic exports to Yugoslavia.
Sec. 404. Prohibition on loans and investment.
Sec. 405. Prohibition of military-to-military cooperation.
Sec. 406. Multilateral sanctions.
Sec. 407. Exemptions.
Sec. 408. Waiver; termination of measures against Yugoslavia.
Sec. 409. Statutory construction.
TITLE V--MISCELLANEOUS PROVISIONS
Sec. 501. International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia.
Sec. 502. Sense of Congress with respect to ethnic Hungarians of
Vojvodina.
Sec. 503. Ownership and use of diplomatic and consular properties.
Sec. 504. Transition assistance.
SEC. 2. DEFINITIONS.
In this Act:
(1) Appropriate congressional committees.--The term
``appropriate congressional committees'' means the Committee
on Foreign Relations of the Senate and the Committee on
International Relations of the House of Representatives.
(2) Commercial export.--The term ``commercial export''
means the sale of an agricultural commodity, medicine, or
medical equipment by a United States seller to a foreign
buyer in exchange for cash payment on market terms without
benefit of concessionary financing, export subsidies,
government or government-backed credits or other nonmarket
financing arrangements.
(3) International criminal tribunal for the former
yugoslavia or tribunal.--The term ``International Criminal
Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia'' or the ``Tribunal''
means the International Tribunal for the Prosecution of
Persons Responsible for Serious Violations of International
Humanitarian Law Committed in the Territory of the Former
Yugoslavia Since 1991, as established by United Nations
Security Council Resolution 827 of May 25, 1993.
(4) Yugoslavia.--The term ``Yugoslavia'' means the so-
called Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and
Montenegro), and the term ``Government of Yugoslavia'' means
the central government of Yugoslavia.
TITLE I--SUPPORT FOR THE DEMOCRATIC FORCES
SEC. 101. FINDINGS AND POLICY.
(a) Findings.--Congress finds the following:
(1) The President of Yugoslavia, Slobodan Milosevic, has
consistently engaged in undemocratic methods of governing.
(2) Yugoslavia has passed and implemented a law strictly
limiting freedom of the press and has acted to intimidate and
prevent independent media from operating inside Yugoslavia.
(3) Although the Yugoslav and Serbian constitutions provide
for the right of citizens to change their government,
citizens of Serbia in practice are prevented from exercising
that right by the Milosevic regime's domination of the mass
media and manipulation of the electoral process.
(4) The Yugoslav and Serbian governments have orchestrated
attacks on academics at institutes and universities
throughout the country in an effort to prevent the
dissemination of opinions that differ from official state
propaganda.
(5) The Yugoslav and Serbian governments hinder the
formation of nonviolent, democratic opposition through
restrictions on freedom of assembly and association.
(6) The Yugoslav and Serbian governments use control and
intimidation to control the judiciary and manipulate the
country's legal framework to suit the regime's immediate
political interests.
(7) The Government of Serbia and the Government of
Yugoslavia, under the direction of President Milosevic, have
obstructed the efforts of the Government of Montenegro to
pursue democratic and free-market policies.
(8) At great risk, the Government of Montenegro has
withstood efforts by President Milosevic to interfere with
its government.
(9) The people of Serbia who do not endorse the
undemocratic actions of the Milosevic government should not
be the target of criticism that is rightly directed at the
Milosevic regime.
(b) Policy; Sense of Congress.--
(1) Policy.--It is the policy of the United States to
encourage the development of a government in Yugoslavia based
on democratic principles and the rule of law and that
respects internationally recognized human rights.
(2) Sense of congress.--It is the sense of Congress that--
(A) the United States should actively support the
democratic forces in Yugoslavia, including political parties
and independent trade unions, to develop a legitimate and
viable alternative to the Milosevic regime;
(B) all United States Government officials, including
individuals from the private sector acting on behalf of the
United States Government, should meet regularly with
representatives of democratic forces in Yugoslavia and
minimize to the extent practicable any direct contacts with
officials of the Yugoslav or Serbian governments, and not
meet with any individual indicted by the International
Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, particularly
President Slobodan Milosevic; and
(C) the United States should emphasize to all political
leaders in Yugoslavia the importance of respecting
internationally recognized human rights for all individuals
residing in Yugoslavia.
SEC. 102. ASSISTANCE TO PROMOTE DEMOCRACY AND CIVIL SOCIETY
IN YUGOSLAVIA.
(a) Assistance for the Serbian Democratic Forces.--
(1) Purpose of assistance.--The purpose of assistance under
this subsection is to promote and strengthen institutions of
democratic government and the growth of an independent civil
society in Serbia, including ethnic tolerance and respect for
internationally recognized human rights.
(2) Authorization for assistance.--To carry out the purpose
of paragraph (1), the President is authorized to furnish
assistance and other support for the activities described in
paragraph (3).
(3) Activities supported.--Activities that may be supported
by assistance under paragraph (2) include the following:
(A) Democracy building.
(B) The development of nongovernmental organizations.
(C) The development of independent Serbian media.
(D) The development of the rule of law, to include a
strong, independent judiciary, the impartial administration
of justice, and transparency in political practices.
(E) International exchanges and advanced professional
training programs in skill areas central to the development
of civil society and a market economy.
(F) The development of all elements of the democratic
process, including political parties and the ability to
administer free and fair elections.
(G) The development of local governance.
(H) The development of a free-market economy.
(4) Authorization of appropriations.--
(A) In general.--There is authorized to be appropriated to
the President $50,000,000 for the period beginning October 1,
2000, and ending September 30, 2001, to be made available for
activities in support of the democratization of the Republic
of Serbia (excluding Kosovo) pursuant to this subsection.
(B) Availability of funds.--Amounts appropriated pursuant
to subparagraph (A) are authorized to remain available until
expended.
(b) Prohibition on Assistance to Government of Yugoslavia
or of Serbia.--In carrying out subsection (a), the President
should take all necessary steps to ensure that no funds or
other assistance is provided to the Government of Yugoslavia
or to the Government of Serbia, except for purposes permitted
under this title.
(c) Assistance to Government of Montenegro.--
(1) In general.--The President may provide assistance to
the Government of Montenegro, unless the President
determines, and so reports to the appropriate congressional
committees, that the leadership of the Government of
Montenegro is not committed to, or is not taking steps to
promote, democratic principles, the rule of law, or respect
for internationally recognized human rights.
(2) Authorization of appropriations.--Unless the President
makes the determination, and so reports to the appropriate
congressional committees, under paragraph (1), there is
authorized to be appropriated to the President $55,000,000
for the period beginning October 1, 2000, and ending
September 30, 2001, to be made available for activities for
or in the Republic of Montenegro for purposes described in
subsection (a), as well as to support ongoing political and
economic reforms, and economic stabilization in support of
democratization.
SEC. 103. AUTHORITY FOR RADIO AND TELEVISION BROADCASTING.
(a) In General.--The Broadcasting Board of Governors shall
further the open communication of information and ideas
through the increased use of radio and television
broadcasting to Yugoslavia in both the Serbo-Croatian and
Albanian languages.
(b) Implementation.--Radio and television broadcasting
under subsection (a) shall be carried out by the Voice of
America and, in
[[Page H8024]]
addition, radio broadcasting under that subsection shall be
carried out by RFE/RL, Incorporated. Subsection (a) shall be
carried out in accordance with all the respective Voice of
America and RFE/RL, Incorporated, standards to ensure that
radio and television broadcasting to Yugoslavia serves as a
consistently reliable and authoritative source of accurate,
objective, and comprehensive news.
(c) Statutory Construction.--The implementation of
subsection (a) may not be construed as a replacement for the
strengthening of indigenous independent media called for in
section 102(a)(3)(C). To the maximum extent practicable, the
two efforts (strengthening independent media and increasing
broadcasts into Serbia) shall be carried out in such a way
that they mutually support each other.
SEC. 104. DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL CONTACTS RELATING TO THE
REPUBLIC OF SERBIA AND THE REPUBLIC OF
MONTENEGRO.
(a) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of Congress that
political contacts between United States officials and those
individuals who, in an official or unofficial capacity,
represent a genuine desire for democratic governance in the
Republic of Serbia and the Republic of Montenegro should be
developed through regular and well publicized meetings.
(b) Authorization of Appropriations.--There is authorized
to be appropriated to the Secretary of State $350,000 for
fiscal year 2001 for a voluntary contribution to the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE)
and the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly--
(1) to facilitate contacts by those who, in an official or
unofficial capacity, represent a genuine desire for
democratic governance in the Republic of Serbia and the
Republic of Montenegro, with their counterparts in other
countries; and
(2) to encourage the development of a multilateral effort
to promote democracy in the Republic of Serbia and the
Republic of Montenegro.
TITLE II--ASSISTANCE TO THE VICTIMS OF OPPRESSION
SEC. 201. FINDINGS.
Congress finds the following:
(1) Beginning in February 1998 and ending in June 1999, the
armed forces of Yugoslavia and the Serbian Interior Ministry
police force engaged in a brutal crackdown against the ethnic
Albanian population in Kosovo.
(2) As a result of the attack by Yugoslav and Serbian
forces against the Albanian population of Kosovo, more than
10,000 individuals were killed and 1,500,000 individuals were
displaced from their homes.
(3) The majority of the individuals displaced by the
conflict in Kosovo was left homeless or was forced to find
temporary shelter in Kosovo or outside the country.
(4) The activities of the Yugoslav armed forces and the
police force of the Serbian Interior Ministry resulted in the
widespread destruction of agricultural crops, livestock, and
property, as well as the poisoning of wells and water
supplies, and the looting of humanitarian goods provided by
the international community.
SEC. 202. SENSE OF CONGRESS.
It is the sense of Congress that--
(1) the Government of Yugoslavia and the Government of
Serbia bear responsibility to the victims of the conflict in
Kosovo, including refugees and internally displaced persons,
and for property damage in Kosovo;
(2) under the direction of President Milosevic, neither the
Government of Yugoslavia nor the Government of Serbia
provided the resources to assist innocent, civilian victims
of oppression in Kosovo; and
(3) because neither the Government of Yugoslavia nor the
Government of Serbia fulfilled the responsibilities of a
sovereign government toward the people in Kosovo, the
international community offers the only recourse for
humanitarian assistance to victims of oppression in Kosovo.
SEC. 203. ASSISTANCE.
(a) Authority.--The President is authorized to furnish
assistance under section 491 of the Foreign Assistance Act of
1961 (22 U.S.C. 2292) and the Migration and Refugee
Assistance Act of 1962 (22 U.S.C. 2601 et seq.), as
appropriate, for--
(1) relief, rehabilitation, and reconstruction in Kosovo;
and
(2) refugees and persons displaced by the conflict in
Kosovo.
(b) Prohibition.--No assistance may be provided under this
section to any organization that has been designated as a
foreign terrorist organization under section 219 of the
Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1189).
(c) Use of Economic Support Funds.--Any funds that have
been allocated under chapter 4 of part II of the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2346 et seq.) for
assistance described in subsection (a) may be used in
accordance with the authority of that subsection.
TITLE III--``OUTER WALL'' SANCTIONS
SEC. 301. ``OUTER WALL'' SANCTIONS.
(a) Application of Measures.--The sanctions described in
subsections (c) through (g) shall apply with respect to
Yugoslavia until the President determines and certifies to
the appropriate congressional committees that the Government
of Yugoslavia has made significant progress in meeting the
conditions described in subsection (b).
(b) Conditions.--The conditions referred to in subsection
(a) are the following:
(1) Agreement on a lasting settlement in Kosovo.
(2) Compliance with the General Framework Agreement for
Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
(3) Implementation of internal democratic reform.
(4) Settlement of all succession issues with the other
republics that emerged from the break-up of the Socialist
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
(5) Cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal
for the former Yugoslavia, including the transfer to The
Hague of all individuals in Yugoslavia indicted by the
Tribunal.
(c) International Financial Institutions.--The Secretary of
the Treasury shall instruct the United States executive
directors of the international financial institutions to
oppose, and vote against, any extension by those institutions
of any financial assistance (including any technical
assistance or grant) of any kind to the Government of
Yugoslavia.
(d) Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.--
The Secretary of State should instruct the United States
Ambassador to the Organization for Security and Cooperation
in Europe (OSCE) to oppose and block any consensus to allow
the participation of Yugoslavia in the OSCE or any
organization affiliated with the OSCE.
(e) United Nations.--The Secretary of State should instruct
the United States Permanent Representative to the United
Nations--
(1) to oppose and vote against any resolution in the United
Nations Security Council to admit Yugoslavia to the United
Nations or any organization affiliated with the United
Nations; and
(2) to actively oppose and, if necessary, veto any proposal
to allow Yugoslavia to assume the membership of the former
Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the United
Nations General Assembly or any other organization affiliated
with the United Nations.
(f) NATO.--The Secretary of State should instruct the
United States Permanent Representative to the North Atlantic
Council to oppose and vote against the extension to
Yugoslavia of membership or participation in the Partnership
for Peace program or any other organization affiliated with
NATO.
(g) Southeast European Cooperation Initiative.--The
Secretary of State should instruct the United States
Representatives to the Southeast European Cooperation
Initiative (SECI) to actively oppose the participation of
Yugoslavia in SECI.
(h) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of Congress that--
(1) the President should not restore full diplomatic
relations with Yugoslavia until the President has determined
and so reported to the appropriate congressional committees
that the Government of Yugoslavia has met the conditions
described in subsection (b); and
(2) the President should encourage all other European
countries to diminish their level of diplomatic relations
with Yugoslavia.
(i) International Financial Institution Defined.--In this
section, the term ``international financial institution''
includes the International Monetary Fund, the International
Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the International
Development Association, the International Finance
Corporation, the Multilateral Investment Guaranty Agency, and
the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development.
SEC. 302. INTERNATIONAL FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS NOT IN
COMPLIANCE WITH ``OUTER WALL'' SANCTIONS.
It is the sense of Congress that, if any international
financial institution (as defined in section 301(i)) approves
a loan or other financial assistance to the Government of
Yugoslavia over the opposition of the United States, then the
Secretary of the Treasury should withhold from payment of the
United States share of any increase in the paid-in capital of
such institution an amount equal to the amount of the loan or
other assistance.
TITLE IV--OTHER MEASURES AGAINST YUGOSLAVIA
SEC. 401. BLOCKING ASSETS IN THE UNITED STATES.
(a) Blocking of Assets.--All property and interests in
property, including all commercial, industrial, or public
utility undertakings or entities, of or in the name of the
Government of Serbia or the Government of Yugoslavia that are
in the United States, that come within the United States, or
that are or come within the possession or control of United
States persons, including their overseas branches, are
blocked.
(b) Prohibited Transfers.--Payments or transfers of any
property or any transactions involving the transfer of
anything of economic value by any United States person to the
Government of Serbia, the Government of Yugoslavia, or any
person or entity acting for or on behalf of, or owned or
controlled, directly or indirectly, by any of those
governments, persons, or entities, are prohibited.
(c) Exercise of Authorities.--The Secretary of the
Treasury, in consultation with the Secretary of State, shall
take such actions, including the promulgation of regulations,
orders, directives, rulings, instructions, and licenses, and
employ all powers granted to the President by the
International Emergency Economic Powers Act,
[[Page H8025]]
as may be necessary to carry out the purposes of this
section, including, but not limited to, taking such steps as
may be necessary to continue in effect the measures contained
in Executive Order No. 13088 of June 9, 1998, and Executive
Order No. 13121 of April 30, 1999, and any rule, regulation,
license, or order issued thereunder.
(d) Payment of Expenses.--All expenses incident to the
blocking and maintenance of property blocked under subsection
(a) shall be charged to the owners or operators of such
property, and expenses shall not be paid for from blocked
funds.
(e) Prohibitions.--The following are prohibited:
(1) Any transaction within the United States or by a United
States person relating to any vessel in which a majority or
controlling interest is held by a person or entity in, or
operating from, Serbia, regardless of the flag under which
the vessel sails.
(2)(A) The exportation to Serbia or to any entity operated
from Serbia or owned and controlled by the Government of
Serbia or the Government of Yugoslavia, directly or
indirectly, of any goods, software technology, or services,
either--
(i) from the United States;
(ii) requiring the issuance of a license by a Federal
agency; or
(iii) involving the use of United States registered vessels
or aircraft.
(B) Any activity that promotes or is intended to promote
exportation described in subparagraph (A).
(3)(A) Any dealing by a United States person in--
(i) property exported from Serbia; or
(ii) property intended for exportation from Serbia to any
country or exportation to Serbia from any country.
(B) Any activity of any kind that promotes or is intended
to promote any dealing described in subparagraph (A).
(4) The performance by any United States person of any
contract, including a financing contract, in support of an
industrial, commercial, public utility, or governmental
project in Serbia.
(f) Exceptions.--Nothing in this section shall apply to--
(1) assistance provided under section 102 or section 203 of
this Act; or
(2) information or informational materials described in
section 203(b)(3) of the International Emergency Economic
Powers Act.
(g) Definition.--In this section, the term ``United States
person'' means any United States citizen, any alien lawfully
admitted for permanent residence within the United States,
any entity organized under the laws of the United States
(including foreign branches), or any person in the United
States.
SEC. 402. SUSPENSION OF ENTRY INTO THE UNITED STATES.
(a) Prohibition.--The President shall use his authority
under section 212(f) of the Immigration and Nationality Act
(8 U.S.C. 1182(f)) to suspend the entry into the United
States of any alien who--
(1) holds a position in the senior leadership of the
Government of Yugoslavia or the Government of Serbia; or
(2) is a spouse, minor child, or agent of a person
inadmissible under paragraph (1).
(b) Senior Leadership Defined.--In subsection (a)(1), the
term ``senior leadership''--
(1) includes--
(A) the President, Prime Minister, Deputy Prime Ministers,
and government ministers of Yugoslavia;
(B) the Governor of the National Bank of Yugoslavia; and
(C) the President, Prime Minister, Deputy Prime Ministers,
and government ministers of the Republic of Serbia; and
(2) does not include the President, Prime Minister, Deputy
Prime Ministers, and government ministers of the Republic of
Montenegro.
SEC. 403. PROHIBITION ON STRATEGIC EXPORTS TO YUGOSLAVIA.
(a) Prohibition.--No computers, computer software, or goods
or technology intended to manufacture or service computers
may be exported to or for use by the Government of Yugoslavia
or by the Government of Serbia, or by any of the following
entities of either government:
(1) The military.
(2) The police.
(3) The prison system.
(4) The national security agencies.
(b) Statutory Construction.--Nothing in this section shall
prevent the issuance of licenses to ensure the safety of
civil aviation and safe operation of United States-origin
commercial passenger aircraft and to ensure the safety of
ocean-going maritime traffic in international waters.
SEC. 404. PROHIBITION ON LOANS AND INVESTMENT.
(a) United States Government Financing.--No loan, credit
guarantee, insurance, financing, or other similar financial
assistance may be extended by any agency of the United States
Government (including the Export-Import Bank and the Overseas
Private Investment Corporation) to the Government of
Yugoslavia or the Government of Serbia.
(b) Trade and Development Agency.--No funds made available
by law may be available for activities of the Trade and
Development Agency in or for Serbia.
(c) Third Country Action.--The Secretary of State is urged
to encourage all other countries, particularly European
countries, to suspend any of their own programs providing
support similar to that described in subsection (a) or (b) to
the Government of Yugoslavia or the Government of Serbia,
including by rescheduling repayment of the indebtedness of
either government under more favorable conditions.
(d) Prohibition on Private Credits.--
(1) In general.--Except as provided in paragraph (2), no
national of the United States may make or approve any loan or
other extension of credit, directly or indirectly, to the
Government of Yugoslavia or to the Government of Serbia or to
any corporation, partnership, or other organization that is
owned or controlled by either the Government of Yugoslavia or
the Government of Serbia.
(2) Exception.--Paragraph (1) shall not apply to a loan or
extension of credit for any housing, education, or
humanitarian benefit to assist the victims of oppression in
Kosovo.
SEC. 405. PROHIBITION OF MILITARY-TO-MILITARY COOPERATION.
The United States Government (including any agency or
entity of the United States) shall not provide assistance
under the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 or the Arms Export
Control Act (including the provision of Foreign Military
Financing under section 23 of the Arms Export Control Act or
international military education and training under chapter 5
of part II of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961) or provide
any defense articles or defense services under those Acts, to
the armed forces of the Government of Yugoslavia or of the
Government of Serbia.
SEC. 406. MULTILATERAL SANCTIONS.
It is the sense of Congress that the President should
continue to seek to coordinate with other countries,
particularly European countries, a comprehensive,
multilateral strategy to further the purposes of this title,
including, as appropriate, encouraging other countries to
take measures similar to those described in this title.
SEC. 407. EXEMPTIONS.
(a) Exemption for Kosovo.--None of the restrictions imposed
by this Act shall apply with respect to Kosovo, including
with respect to governmental entities or administering
authorities or the people of Kosovo.
(b) Exemption for Montenegro.--None of the restrictions
imposed by this Act shall apply with respect to Montenegro,
including with respect to governmental entities of
Montenegro, unless the President determines and so certifies
to the appropriate congressional committees that the
leadership of the Government of Montenegro is not committed
to, or is not taking steps to promote, democratic principles,
the rule of law, or respect for internationally recognized
human rights.
SEC. 408. WAIVER; TERMINATION OF MEASURES AGAINST YUGOSLAVIA.
(a) General Waiver Authority.--Except as provided in
subsection (b), the requirement to impose any measure under
this Act may be waived for successive periods not to exceed
12 months each, and the President may provide assistance in
furtherance of this Act notwithstanding any other provision
of law, if the President determines and so certifies to the
appropriate congressional committees in writing 15 days in
advance of the implementation of any such waiver that--
(1) it is important to the national interest of the United
States; or
(2) significant progress has been made in Yugoslavia in
establishing a government based on democratic principles and
the rule of law, and that respects internationally recognized
human rights.
(b) Exception.--The President may implement the waiver
under subsection (a) for successive periods not to exceed 3
months each without the 15 day advance notification under
that subsection--
(1) if the President determines that exceptional
circumstances require the implementation of such waiver; and
(2) the President immediately notifies the appropriate
congressional committees of his determination.
(c) Termination of Restrictions.--The restrictions imposed
by this title shall be terminated if the President determines
and so certifies to the appropriate congressional committees
that the Government of Yugoslavia is a government that is
committed to democratic principles and the rule of law, and
that respects internationally recognized human rights.
SEC. 409. STATUTORY CONSTRUCTION.
(a) In General.--None of the restrictions or prohibitions
contained in this Act shall be construed to limit
humanitarian assistance (including the provision of food and
medicine), or the commercial export of agricultural
commodities or medicine and medical equipment, to Yugoslavia.
(b) Special Rule.--Nothing in subsection (a) shall be
construed to permit the export of an agricultural commodity
or medicine that could contribute to the development of a
chemical or biological weapon.
TITLE V--MISCELLANEOUS PROVISIONS
SEC. 501. INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL FOR THE FORMER
YUGOSLAVIA.
(a) Findings.--Congress finds the following:
(1) United Nations Security Council Resolution 827, which
was adopted May 25, 1993, established the International
Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia to prosecute
persons responsible for serious violations of international
humanitarian law committed in the territory of the former
Yugoslavia since January 1, 1991.
(2) United Nations Security Council Resolution 827 requires
full cooperation by all countries with the Tribunal,
including the obligation of countries to comply with requests
of the Tribunal for assistance or orders.
[[Page H8026]]
(3) The Government of Yugoslavia has disregarded its
international obligations with regard to the Tribunal,
including its obligation to transfer or facilitate the
transfer to the Tribunal of any person on the territory of
Yugoslavia who has been indicted for war crimes or other
crimes against humanity under the jurisdiction of the
Tribunal.
(4) The Government of Yugoslavia publicly rejected the
Tribunal's jurisdiction over events in Kosovo and has impeded
the investigation of representatives from the Tribunal,
including denying those representatives visas for entry into
Yugoslavia, in their efforts to gather information about
alleged crimes against humanity in Kosovo under the
jurisdiction of the Tribunal.
(5) The Tribunal has indicted President Slobodan Milosevic
for--
(A) crimes against humanity, specifically murder,
deportations, and persecutions; and
(B) violations of the laws and customs of war.
(b) Policy.--It shall be the policy of the United States to
support fully and completely the investigation of President
Slobodan Milosevic by the International Criminal Tribunal for
the former Yugoslavia for genocide, crimes against humanity,
war crimes, and grave breaches of the Geneva Convention.
(c) Sense of Congress.--Subject to subsection (b), it is
the sense of Congress that the United States Government
should gather all information that the intelligence community
(as defined in section 3(4) of the National Security Act of
1947 (50 U.S.C. 401a(4)) collects or has collected to support
an investigation of President Slobodan Milosevic for
genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and grave
breaches of the Geneva Convention by the International
Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and that
the Department of State should provide all appropriate
information to the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICTY under
procedures established by the Director of Central
Intelligence that are necessary to ensure adequate protection
of intelligence sources and methods.
(d) Report to Congress.--Not less than 180 days after the
date of enactment of this Act, and every 180 days thereafter
for the succeeding 5-year period, the President shall submit
a report, in classified form if necessary, to the appropriate
congressional committees that describes the information that
was provided by the Department of State to the Office of the
Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the
former Yugoslavia for the purposes of subsection (c).
SEC. 502. SENSE OF CONGRESS WITH RESPECT TO ETHNIC HUNGARIANS
OF VOJVODINA.
(a) Findings.--Congress finds that--
(1) approximately 350,000 ethnic Hungarians, as well as
several other minority populations, reside in the province of
Vojvodina, part of Serbia, in traditional settlements in
existence for centuries;
(2) this community has taken no side in any of the Balkan
conflicts since 1990, but has maintained a consistent
position of nonviolence, while seeking to protect its
existence through the meager opportunities afforded under the
existing political system;
(3) the Serbian leadership deprived Vojvodina of its
autonomous status at the same time as it did the same to the
province of Kosovo;
(4) this population is subject to continuous harassment,
intimidation, and threatening suggestions that they leave the
land of their ancestors; and
(5) during the past 10 years this form of ethnic cleansing
has already driven 50,000 ethnic Hungarians and members of
other minority communities out of the province of Vojvodina.
(b) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of Congress that
the President should--
(1) condemn harassment, threats, and intimidation against
any ethnic group in Yugoslavia as the usual precursor of
violent ethnic cleansing;
(2) express deep concern over the reports on recent
threats, intimidation, and even violent incidents against the
ethnic Hungarian inhabitants of the province of Vojvodina;
(3) call on the Secretary of State to regularly monitor the
situation of the Hungarian ethnic group in Vojvodina; and
(4) call on the NATO allies of the United States, during
any negotiation on the future status of Kosovo, also to pay
substantial attention to establishing satisfactory guarantees
for the rights of the people of Vojvodina, and, in
particular, of the ethnic minorities in the province.
SEC. 503. OWNERSHIP AND USE OF DIPLOMATIC AND CONSULAR
PROPERTIES.
(a) Findings.--Congress finds the following:
(1) The international judicial system, as currently
structured, lacks fully effective remedies for the wrongful
confiscation of property and for unjust enrichment from the
use of wrongfully confiscated property by governments and
private entities at the expense of the rightful owners of the
property.
(2) Since the dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic
of Yugoslavia until March and June 1999, when the United
States Government took custody, the Government of Yugoslavia
exclusively used, and benefited from the use of, properties
located in the United States that were owned by the Socialist
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
(3) Until the United States Government took custody, the
Governments of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, the Former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, and Slovenia were blocked by
the Government of Yugoslavia from using, or benefiting from
the use of, any property located in the United States that
was previously owned by the Socialist Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia.
(4) The occupation and use by officials of Yugoslavia of
that property without prompt, adequate, and effective
compensation under the applicable principles of international
law to the Governments of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia,
the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, and Slovenia is
unjust and unreasonable.
(b) Policy on Negotiations Regarding Properties.--It is the
policy of the United States to insist that the Government of
Yugoslavia has a responsibility to, and should, actively and
cooperatively engage in good faith negotiations with the
Governments of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, the Former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, and Slovenia for resolution
of the outstanding property issues resulting from the
dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia,
including the disposition of the following properties located
in the United States:
(1) 2222 Decatur Street, NW, Washington, DC.
(2) 2410 California Street, NW, Washington, DC.
(3) 1907 Quincy Street, NW, Washington, DC.
(4) 3600 Edmonds Street, NW, Washington, DC.
(5) 2221 R Street, NW, Washington, DC.
(6) 854 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY.
(7) 730 Park Avenue, New York, NY.
(c) Sense of Congress on Return of Properties.--It is the
sense of Congress that, if the Government of Yugoslavia
refuses to engage in good faith negotiations on the status of
the properties listed in subsection (b), the President should
take steps to ensure that the interests of the Governments of
Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, the Former Yugoslav Republic
of Macedonia, and Slovenia are protected in accordance with
international law.
SEC. 504. TRANSITION ASSISTANCE.
(a) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of Congress that
once the regime of President Slobodan Milosevic has been
replaced by a government that is committed to democratic
principles and the rule of law, and that respects
internationally recognized human rights, the President of the
United States should support the transition to democracy in
Yugoslavia by providing immediate and substantial assistance,
including facilitating its integration into international
organizations.
(b) Authorization of Assistance.--The President is
authorized to furnish assistance to Yugoslavia if he
determines, and so certifies to the appropriate congressional
committees that the Government of Yugoslavia is committed to
democratic principles and the rule of law and respects
internationally recognized human rights.
(c) Report to Congress.--
(1) Development of plan.--The President shall develop a
plan for providing assistance to Yugoslavia in accordance
with this section. Such assistance would be provided at such
time as the President determines that the Government of
Yugoslavia is committed to democratic principles and the rule
of law and respects internationally recognized human rights.
(2) Strategy.--The plan developed under paragraph (1) shall
include a strategy for distributing assistance to Yugoslavia
under the plan.
(3) Diplomatic efforts.--The President shall take the
necessary steps--
(A) to seek to obtain the agreement of other countries and
international financial institutions and other multilateral
organizations to provide assistance to Yugoslavia after the
President determines that the Government of Yugoslavia is
committed to democratic principles, the rule of law, and that
respects internationally recognized human rights; and
(B) to work with such countries, institutions, and
organizations to coordinate all such assistance programs.
(4) Communication of plan.--The President shall take the
necessary steps to communicate to the people of Yugoslavia
the plan for assistance developed under this section.
(5) Report.--Not later than 120 days after the date of
enactment of this Act, the President shall transmit to the
appropriate congressional committees a report describing in
detail the plan required to be developed by paragraph (1).
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from New
York (Mr. Gilman) and the gentleman from North Dakota (Mr. Pomeroy)
each will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman).
General Leave
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may
have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks
on H.R. 1064, as amended.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New York?
There was no objection.
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
[[Page H8027]]
(Mr. GILMAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to rise in strong support of
H.R. 1064, a bill introduced by the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr.
Smith). It is intended to ensure that the democratic opposition in
Serbia continues to have the active support of the United States,
regardless of the outcome of the election held in that country
yesterday.
The people of Serbia need to know that our Nation does not wish to
have antagonistic relations with their country. They need to know,
instead, that our Nation is simply opposed to the kinds of policies
that their nation has pursued under the leadership of Slobodan
Milosevic.
They also need to know that the United States supports the cause of
true democracy in Serbia, just as it does in the rest of Europe, and
that Serbia is a European nation, a European country, and deserves a
place at the European table once it has started down the road of real
democracy, real reform, and real respect for human rights.
Regrettably, Yugoslav President Milosevic has proven himself a master
of manipulation of Serbian patriotism and of Serbian nationalist fears.
Mr. Milosevic employed the ethnic distrust and unrest that surrounded
the break-up of the former Communist Yugoslav Federation in the early
years of the last decade to portray himself as a protector of Serbian
rights.
Today Serbia lies in shambles, and its people face a future that
promises nothing better. Milosevic lingers on, surrounded by a web of
corruption, mysterious murders, political manipulation, and state
repression.
After yet another series of manipulative steps, Mr. Milosevic set the
groundwork for holding onto his power for another term as Yugoslav
president in the election held yesterday, an election it is feared he
has rigged to ensure an outcome in his favor.
Mr. Speaker, our Nation is closely monitoring this election. It will
shine a spotlight on any evidence of election fraud carried out by Mr.
Milosevic and his supporters.
This bill makes it clear that, regardless of the outcome of
yesterday's election, our Nation has not given up on and will not give
up on the freedom of the nation of Serbia and the effort to create a
real and true democracy in Serbia. Mr. Speaker, this bill's passage
should make that clear to the Serbian people.
Accordingly, I urge our colleagues to join in supporting this
measure.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. POMEROY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this bill. I want to commend
the gentleman from New York (Chairman Gilman); the gentleman from New
Jersey (Mr. Smith), the chairman of the Subcommittee on International
Operations and Human Rights, for moving this legislation forward.
It is clear that Slobodan Milosevic is not part of the solution in
the Balkans but, rather, is the problem. Milosevic has started, and
lost, four wars this past decade, with Slovenia, with Croatia, Bosnia
and Herzegovina, and finally with NATO over Kosovo.
He may now be preparing his fifth war, this time against Montenegro
and its democratic reformist government.
Milosevic has run an authoritarian state, suppressing dissent,
threatening his opponents, purging the army and police, and
manipulating the electronic media to misinform the Serbian public.
But in spite of all of that, yesterday's dramatic election results
from Belgrade show the Serbian people have had quite enough of Slobodan
Milosevic. It is clear from the independent and opposition sources that
the democratic opposition of Serbia has won a decisive victory.
The Center for Free Election and Democracy has reported that Serbia's
democratic opposition has won 58 percent of the votes cast as compared
to 32 percent for Milosevic.
Milosevic should respect the wishes of the Serbian people and step
down; no manipulating or manufacturing of ballots from Kosovo or
Montenegro, no fiddling with the constitution to stay in power through
next summer, no desperate moves of violence against Montenegro, Kosovo,
or citizens of Serbia.
{time} 1730
In order to bring stability to southeast Europe and unlock the
economic potential of the region, Milosevic must relinquish power to a
new democratic government in Serbia. I spent a summer in Serbia when I
was in college. I lived with a family, and I care about these people
and look forward to them moving to the post-Milosevic nightmare period
into hope for the future.
This act supports the democratic opposition by authorizing $50
million for promoting democracy and civil society in Serbia and $55
million for assisting the government of Montenegro. It also authorizes
increased broadcasting to Yugoslavia by the Voice of America and by
Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty.
The act's strength is that it follows the strong and effective policy
crafted by the administration and the demonstrated will of the Serbian
people themselves as evidenced by yesterday's vote.
The legislation codifies the so-called outer wall of sanctions
against Yugoslavia by multilateral organizations, including
international financial institutions. It also authorizes other measures
against Yugoslavia, including blocking Yugoslavia's assets in the
United States; prohibiting the issuance of visas and admission to the
United States; and prohibiting strategic exports to Yugoslavia, loans
and investment, and military-to-military cooperation.
It is important to note that yesterday's encouraging election results
from Serbia do not negate the need for this legislation. Milosevic may
not relinquish control, making support for democratic forces,
nongovernmental organizations, and free media even more vital.
Even if a peaceful transition were to somehow occur, as one recently
took place in neighboring Croatia, a new government and independent
media would desperately need international support in a nation that has
known authoritarianism and corruption for far too long. And so, Mr.
Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support H.R. 1064.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 6 minutes to the gentleman from New
Jersey (Mr. Smith), chairman of our Subcommittee on International
Operations and Human Rights.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New
York for yielding me this time and for his work in helping to bring
this legislation to the floor today.
Mr. Speaker, as we wait to see if opposition candidate Vojislav
Kostunica will be allowed to secure the election, which by all accounts
he seems to have secured and won, it is important for this Congress to
support those seeking democratic change in Serbia as well as those
undertaking democratic change in Montenegro. This bill does just that.
Introduced by myself and several other cosponsors in February of
1999, and updated in light of events since that time, the bill before
us today includes language to which the Senate has already agreed by
unanimous consent. The State Department has been thoroughly consulted,
and its requested changes as well have been incorporated into the text.
Throughout there has been a bipartisan effort to craft this
legislation.
In short, the bill authorizes the provision of democratic assistance
to those in Serbia who are struggling for change. It also calls for
maintaining sanctions on Serbia until such time that democratic change
is indeed underway, allowing at the same time the flexibility to
respond quickly to positive developments if and when they occur.
Reflective of another resolution, H. Con. Res. 118, which I introduced
last year, the bill supports the efforts of the International Criminal
Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia to bring those responsible for war
crimes and crimes against humanity, including Slobodan Milosevic, to
justice.
The reasons for this bill are clear, Mr. Speaker. In addition to news
accounts and presentations in other committees and other venues, the
Helsinki Commission, which I chair, has held numerous hearings on the
efforts of the regime of Slobodan Milosevic to stomp out democracy and
to stay in power.
[[Page H8028]]
The Commission has held three hearings specifically on this issue and
one additional hearing specifically on the threat Milosevic presents to
Montenegro. Of course, in the many, many hearings the commission has
held on Bosnia and Kosovo over the years, witnesses testify to the role
of Milosevic in instigating, if not orchestrating, conflict and war.
Mr. Speaker, the regime of Milosevic has resorted to increasingly
repressive measures, as we all know, to stay in power in light of the
elections that were held yesterday in the Yugoslav Federation, of which
Serbia and Montenegro are a part. Journalist Miroslav Filipovic
received, for example, a 7-year sentence for reporting the truth about
Yugoslav and Serbian atrocities in Kosovo. The very courageous Natasa
Kandic, of the Humanitarian Law Fund, faces similar charges for
documenting these atrocities. Ivan Stambolic, an early mentor but now a
leading and credible critic of Slobodon Milosevic, was literally
abducted from the streets of Belgrade. Authorities have raided the
headquarters of the Center For Free Elections and Democracy, a civic,
domestic monitoring organization; and members of the student movement
Otpor regularly face arrest, detention and physical harassment.
Political opposition candidates have been similarly threatened,
harassed, and physically attacked.
As news reports regularly indicate, Milosevic may also be considering
violent action to bring Montenegro, which has embarked on a democratic
path and distanced itself from Belgrade, back under his control. Signs
that he is instigating trouble there are certainly evident.
It is too early for the results of the elections to be known fully.
However, this bill allows us the flexibility to react to those results.
Assistance for transition is authorized, allowing a quick reaction to
positive developments. Sanctions can also be eased, if needed. On the
other hand, few hold hope that Milosevic will simply relinquish power.
A struggle for democracy may only now just be starting and not ending.
The human rights violations I have highlighted, Mr. Speaker, are also
mere examples of deeply rooted institutionalized repression.
Universities and the media are restricted by Draconian laws from
encouraging the free debate of ideas upon which societies thrive.
National laws and the federal constitution have been drafted and
redrafted to orchestrate the continued power of Slobodan Milosevic. The
military has been purged, as we all know, of many high-ranking
professionals unwilling to do Milosevic's dirty work, and the place is
a virtual military force of its own designed to tackle internal enemies
who are in fact trying to save Serbia from this tyrant.
Paramilitary groups merge with criminal gangs in the pervasive
corruption which now exists. Sophisticated and constant propaganda has
been designed over the last decade to warp the minds of the people into
believing this regime has defended the interests of Serbs in Serbia and
throughout former Yugoslavia. As a result, even if a democratic change
were to begin in Serbia, which we all hope and pray for, the assistance
authorized in this bill is needed to overcome the legacy of Milosevic.
His influence over the decade has been so strong that it will take
considerable effort to bring Serbia back to where it should be.
Bringing democratic change to Serbia and supporting the change
already taking place in Montenegro is without question in the U.S.
national interest. We may differ in our positions regarding the
decision to use American forces in the Balkans either for peacekeeping
or peacemaking. Nothing, however, could better create the conditions
for regional stability which would allow our forces to come home with
their mission accomplished than a Serbia on the road to democratic
recovery.
There is, however, an even stronger interest. Indeed, there is a
fundamental right of the people of Serbia themselves to democratic
governance. They deserve to have the same rights and freedoms, as well
as the opportunity for a prosperous future, that is enjoyed by so many
other Europeans and by our fellow Americans.
The people of America, of Europe, the people of Serbia all have a
strong mutual interest in ending Milosevic's reign of hatred and
thuggery. This bill advances that cause.
Mr. POMEROY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New
Jersey (Mr. Pascrell).
Mr. PASCRELL. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this
time.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of this legislation
offered by my colleagues, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) and
the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer). I salute them both.
The findings contained in this legislation are historic and
astonishing. Last year, many of us in this House went to Macedonia and
Albania and saw the refugee camps. I carry with me in my pocket at all
times, along with my copy of the Constitution, I might add, a picture
of a young boy, Valdrin Ferizaj, 8 years old, who tugged at my pants in
a refugee camp where there were 35,000 refugees, which was only
supposed to hold 10,000. He spoke to me in a language I could not
understand. And someone translated, ``He is asking you, Mr.
Congressman, where is his mother and father.'' I have tried to find
them since coming back, and I will continue.
It is a landmark day in Yugoslavia. Early results from that election
are showing that opposition candidate Vojislav Kostunica will win the
first round elections against Slobodan Milosevic. Not surprisingly, Mr.
Milosevic's camp is disputing the claims. But we have been through
this, have we not?
The Milosevic camp is disputing these preliminary results and are
calling for a second round. But we who are witnesses to the death, to
the destruction, to the displacement, and to the deception caused by
this man, which is documented and well-known, can only hope that this
murderous leader is indeed defeated.
As was earlier stated by both leaders, and soon to be the other
sponsor of the bill, because of America's involvement in the Balkans,
we will have a vested interest in helping democratic change, in all of
Yugoslav. And in the parts of Yugoslav, this region in southeastern
Europe, is in critical need of security and stability.
There is a ray of hope here today, Mr. Speaker, and I stand in hope
that we will really understand healthy results this evening and
tomorrow morning.
Mr. POMEROY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from
Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), and just wish to additionally commend the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pascrell) for his impassioned and very
insightful comments.
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this
time, and I thank the gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman) for bringing
this resolution, along with the minority, to the floor.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 1064 and urge my
colleagues to support it. I am an original cosponsor of this bill,
offered by my friend, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), the
chairman of the Helsinki Commission. As he has noted, whatever our
views on the American involvement in the Balkans, we all have a common
interest in bringing democratic change to Serbia, which will enhance
long-term stability in the region, allow our troops in Kosovo and
Bosnia to return home sooner, with their mission accomplished, and
preclude the need for further intervention to thwart Slobodan
Milosevic's aggression.
Clearly, democratic change in Serbia is the single most critically
needed development in southeast Europe today. First and foremost, the
people of Serbia deserve the same ability to exercise their human
rights and fundamental freedoms that so many other Europeans enjoy.
Secondly, it, more than anything else, would contribute to security in
the region. Indeed, it would increase tremendously the chances for
resolving conflicts and encouraging social reconciliation.
The gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) and I have served together
on the Helsinki Commission for a long time, over a decade and a half,
and we have worked together to promote human rights in Europe and in
other parts of the world, I might add.
{time} 1745
Our efforts have been especially relevant in the Balkans, where
Milosevic
[[Page H8029]]
and his regime have instigated conflict and orchestrated genocide to
perpetuate their rule and enhance their power and privilege. The
international community, Mr. Speaker, has been slow to respond and
sometimes ineffective in the face of this threat to European stability.
Only with the intervention of the United States has action been taken.
Since Kosovo, however, there is a more united view than ever between
the United States, Europe and the international community as a whole
that democratic change must come to Serbia. There is also a greater
realization that the threat Serbia poses comes not from the Serb
people. Let me repeat that. The threat comes not from the Serb people
but from Milosevic and his henchmen. Indeed, the people of Serbia, and
the people of Montenegro, who are in a Yugoslav federation with Serbia,
have suffered far too long under Milosevic's repression. They, the
Serbians, the Montenegrans, deserve to take their rightful place in the
democratic community of Europe.
Mr. Speaker, national elections were held in Yugoslavia yesterday, as
many have said. We do not yet know the final results and there are, as
predicted, widespread allegations of fraud. Early reports indicate that
the opposition is claiming first round victory with more than 50
percent of the vote. That in my opinion would be an extraordinarily
happy circumstance. The Milosevic camp, not committed to democracy,
committed to authoritarian rule, committed to attaining their ends by
whatever means are necessary, are claiming that they are ahead 44
percent to 41 percent, indicating a need for a second round runoff.
Nobody in the international community believes that representation.
It is widely believed that Milosevic simply will not concede. He has
hinted that, as he has said, his term does not formally end until next
year, giving him another 9 months or so entrenched in power and in
perversion. Alternatively, he may simply turn up the level of fraud to
ensure a second-round victory and crack down on whatever opposition
might exist.
At this point, Mr. Speaker, we do not know what Serbia will be like,
even in the near future, other than the fact that it will not be the
same. It might change, we pray, drastically for the better or
tragically for the worse. Either way, this bill sends the message that
we are there for the people of Serbia. The alternative, to send no
message at all, Mr. Speaker, is the message that Milosevic wants to
hear.
I urge my colleagues to vote for H.R. 1064.
Mr. POMEROY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New
York (Mr. Crowley).
Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from New York
(Mr. Gilman), the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), the gentleman
from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), and the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr.
Gejdenson) for bringing this measure before us this afternoon.
Mr. Speaker, the people of Serbia have spoken. They want change for
their country and for their people. Our patience has certainly paid
off. We have waited a long time for this.
Mr. Milosevic has declared war over and over again against his own
people, in Serbia, in Croatia, in Bosnia, in Herzegovina, in Kosovo,
and I have seen firsthand what Mr. Milosevic and his regime has done to
his own people. It is time for the bloodshed to end, Mr. Speaker. It is
time for Mr. Milosevic to relinquish power before more blood is shed.
Mr. Milosevic, your people are telling you they want no more
persecution. They want no more refugees. Mr. Milosevic, they want no
more death. Your people, Mr. Milosevic, have voted, and they have voted
for life. Give them that life and relinquish power now.
Mr. POMEROY. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I
yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I
yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Ryan of Wisconsin). The question is on
the motion offered by the gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman) that the
House suspend the rules and pass the bill, H.R. 1064, as amended.
The question was taken; and (two-thirds having voted in favor
thereof) the rules were suspended and the bill, as amended, was passed.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
____________________
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